Germany Gate, Part Three: Planpolitik and its Insane Host of 'Partners'
Strangeley enough, although hardly surprising at this point in time, many GO/NGOs are intimately connected via shared funders, board members, and stated aims
Editorial prelim: this is a long-form essay about the nefarious role of GO/NGOs we recently explored in some detail:
This piece comes in three instalments, with this posting being the second part. For the first part, please see here:
All non-English translations, emphases, and commentary are mine.
What, then, is Planpolitik?
At this point, we have reached the (preliminary) endpoint of this piece. Planpolitik was founded by Simon Raiser and Björn Warkalla, both students of Political Science at the Free University (FU) of Berlin in the mid-1990s. They claim to perform ‘political simulation games’ and the like, and while their brainchild seems to have had quite a bumpy ride in the beginning, Planpolitik is a quite unknown, if very interesting, fixture in the netherworld of NGO-mediated influence-peddling.
If you venture on to their ‘partners’, you can find out who stands behind Planpolitik. For an organisation founded by two students, their list of sponsors is quite impressive, in particular because Planpolitik only got off the ground in late 2004. Their ‘partners’ include:
Various German state governments (Berlin, Northrhine-Westphalia, Thuringia)
Many universities, such as the FU, the Europa University Viadrina in Frankfurt (Oder), the Universities of Magdeburg, Marburg and Duisburg Essen, among others, incl. universities outside Germany
Various religious institutions, most notably a number of Lutheran academies (Berlin, Frankfurt am Main) as well as the Junge Islam Konferenz (Young Islam Conference).
A host of NGOs, incl. (again) the DARE Network, the partners we already encountered on the TEVIP website, the Aga Khan Foundation (Portugal), the Bertelsmann and Joachim Hertz Foundations, as well as all the major party-affiliated foundations of the SPD (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung), the Greens (Heinrich Böll Stiftung), and the CDU/CSU (Konrad Adenauer Stiftung)—talk about ‘spreading the risk’
And then there are virtually all institutions of the German state: the Bundestag, the Chancellery, the Federal Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Education and Research, Nutrition and Agriculture, the Federal Press Office—as well as a host of by now quite expectable institutions, such as the EU Council, UNESCO, and a host of other German state and regional actors.
There’s also another of higher education players, ranging from ETH Zurich in Switzerland to the French École Nationale d’Administration (Macron’s alma mater), the Soros-funded CEU, the American University in Cairo, Egypt, the Fudan University in Shanghai, China, the Free University of Brussels, Belgium, and many, many more.
At the bottom of this long listing, there’s another host of foundations—from the Körber and Zeit foundations to the German Marshall Fund, the Greens, and the Amadeu Antonio Stiftung.
Not bad for two virtually unknown poli-sci graduates, eh?
Bottom Lines
As regards the Ukrainian diaspora in Norway, everyone was open about both the Neo-Nazis among the Azov formations, and no-one really believed in a Russian attack—until mid-February 2022.
Then the sentiment shifted, curiously enough literally one day before the Ukrainian formations began ramping up their shelling of the Donbass on 16 Feb. 2022, which precipitated the Russian ‘special military operation’ on 24 Feb.
On that very same day, 24 Feb. 2022, as early as 9:53 a.m. (which would be 10:53 a.m. Moscow time), Norwegian media reported on a planned anti-war protest outside the Russian embassy in Oslo, organised ‘on short notice’ by both the Ukrainians’ Association of Norway and an obscure NGO ‘for democracy in Russia’ called SmåRådina.
On SmåRådina’s board sits one Eugenia Khoraltseva, who works for the Oslo-based Human Rights Academy (another NGO that remains mum about its funding, much like SmåRådina).
Ms. Khoraltseva is also a member of the steering board of the DARE Network, which appears to be a front organisation for ‘democracy education’, which DARE conducts in cahoots with TEVIP, another EU-funded front organisation that is actually carried out by Planpolitik.
Planpolitik, then, is a Germany-based ‘NGO’ that, while as mum about its funding streams as the DARE Network, is linked to both the Association of German Educational Organizations and virtually all the other ‘usual suspects’: EU and esp. German state institutions on all levels, a plethora of universities, and foundations.
These connections do not imply that the Ukrainians’ Association in Norway or the other ‘NGOs’ that appeared in this piece are all bought and paid for by the usual globalist suspects (even though I readily admit it certainly looks like that).
I do not wish to intimate that Mr. Novosad or Ms. Koraltseva actually know of many of these connections and/or funding streams.
What I would say, though, is this: how many Norwegians (and other Europeans, for that matter) know—or care enough—about their body politic being systematically influenced by foreign governments and transnational institutions, such as the Council of Europe, the EU Commission, or the German Government?
This is of heightened relevance after the revelations by Seymour Hersh concerning possible Norwegian involvement in the bombing of the Nord Stream Pipelines in September 2022. While both the Norwegian and U.S. governments are strenuously denying Hersh’s account (which, truth be told may or may not be true, but I would add that Hersh’s track record is quite a tad more credible than the U.S. government), what we have not talked about nearly enough is the role of these ‘NGOs’ in various European and extra-European countries.
This is not the same as saying that these ‘NGOs’ are in and of itself malign influences, yet if we consider a democratic régime to mean that these organisations should (must) transparently reveal their funding streams to make it possible for citizens to make informed decisions about who to cheer and trust, uncomfortable questions about the health of ‘our democracy’ and ‘our values’ emerge.
Yet, these funding streams often remain hidden, perhaps unintentionally so by those working in legacy media journalists who simply shun the time and effort it takes to disentangle these connections. It took me about a week of ‘research’ to systematise these connections, and my results, however interesting, remain both very shallow and preliminary at best. Yet, these findings indicate heightened levels of suspicion every time you see any of these institutions, their funders, and or articles that speak highly of them.
Buyer Beware!
The Red Green creation came out of nowhere in 2020 and the money for posters and protests seem to be uniform across the USA with PSL being the Marxist camp